The pairing of new technologies with educational platforms intended for large numbers of students challenges educators to think about increasingly heterogeneous student populations with a diverse range of skills, backgrounds, and ambitions. What role might these technologies play in smaller classes?
In seminars and colloquia? Or even design studios? The concept of distance, which was introduced by Assistant Professor Paolo Scrivano, provided a powerful lens through which to consider many of the challenges facing instructors. The traditional lecture hall establishes and reinforces the physical and intellectual distance between the teacher and students. The instructor transmits information sometimes equated with knowledge to students, typically rendered anonymous by their sheer number, with varying degrees of success.
Among the challenges of this model is overcoming the distance not only between the students and the teacher but also between the students and the course material. Smaller lecture classes or seminars present a different but related set of challenges. What is the value of learning about the settlement patterns that structured life in ancient Mesopotamia for first year students who have only just decided on their major?
What is the connection between vernacular building traditions employed in some countries and the glass residential towers that define urban life in other regions of the world?
In some respects, online teaching has the potential to decrease this distance. As Ana Maria Leon Crespo and Jordan Kauffman, both doctoral candidates at MIT and active participants in the making and operating of the course, explained, the ability of students to share local knowledge through photographs and first hand accounts, often from remote locations not covered in scholarly literature, dramatically expanded the scope of the course.
Distance was decreased between student and professor as well as between student and the material under study. The design and implementation of online courses demands the commitment of significant financial and human resources and the talents of a range of experts. These experts might include not only education specialists and professors but also instructional designers and technologists, project managers, and producers. As a result, rather than put the full course online, the Harvard team instead opted for a hybrid model in which a portion of the course material is presented online before students gather in the classroom.
Indeed, the inherent variety, flexibility, and adaptability of the hybrid model makes it uniquely resilient in an educational and technological landscape defined by rapid change. Within this context the focus of inquiry should be less on whether or not to teach courses online most of us already incorporate online tools and will do so increasingly but rather on more clearly articulating our goals as educators. How can online tools help us to develop courses that respond to the many different ways in which students learn?
How can we better draw on the particulars of our disciples to direct the learning process not only toward specific areas of knowledge but also toward the development of essential skills?
In short, how can we best equip our students to address the challenges they will face in the coming decades? In this context, developing resilience in the face of the dramatic changes facing higher education requires intelligently deploying all of the tools at our disposal—online or otherwise—as a means to bring our students closer.
Amanda Reeser Lawrence Lucy M. She is an assistant professor at the School of Architecture at Northeastern University. A licensed architect, Lawrence is founding co-editor of the award-winning journal, Praxis, which was selected as Deputy Commissioner of the Architectural Biennale in Venice.
Lucy M. Maulsby was trained as an architectural historian at Columbia University. She is an assistant professor at Northeastern University where she teaches courses on nineteenth- and twentieth-century architectural history.
German Guatemalans. Sensational cemetery. Underwater wonderland. When I laid my head down in my Quetzaltenango hostel I had to laugh. I was lying down in a location I did not know existed just a month prior. This city was not on my itinerary, not even on my radar. I opted for a location closer to Antigua after learning how long the bus ride would take. Riding the buses through the mountainous terrain of Guatemala was by far my least favorite part of my time there.
This major struggle, full of twists and turns which made me nauseated, re-directed my path to discover places I had never heard of previously. Google Maps snapshot of Guatemalan sites visited in August and September. This ethnic information is important historically and geographically, as the culture and built environment of the Western Highlands is inscribed on the landscape, and very much related to the various ethnic communities that reside in the region.
The stories the landscape tells — they are powerful and disconcerting. As geographers Michael K. Steinberg and Matthew J. Taylor note: Guatemala conjures up both exotic and disturbing images: past and present Maya cultures, Maya ruins, volcanoes and lakes, military dictatorships, and grave human rights violations.
Researchers and travelers alike are drawn to Guatemala's beauty and diversity. Yet Guatemala confounds and often repels those who seek to delve deeper into what the landscape means and what it is telling us [emphasis added]. The siting, location, and subject matter of the memorials illustrated that the wounds of the war were still very the fresh and open. Additionally, these memorials were often ephemeral and understated, easily overlooked. The majority of the massacres during the civil war took place in the ethnically diverse Mayan Western Highlands.
Steinberg led a collaborative GIS mapping effort to bring light to this invisible landscape, and the visuals are astounding. Maps comparing the location of indigenous Maya populations with massacre sites during the Guatemalan Civil War.
Source: M. Steinberg et al. I spent a month in extravagant Spanish Baroque Antigua, and I needed to see how this side of architectural expression came to life in the Xela. The Nahuatl were some of his allies in conquest. Conversely, by linking ethnic improvement to the advancement of the nation, they legitimized to other Mayans their continued political power.
They averaged around 10 years old, and they were captivating! The content of their speeches and their stage presence was impeccable. The Xela and Guatemala flags were strewn all over the park before the week was out in anticipation of Guatemalan independence activities on September Flags on the Municipalidad, on the Corinthian columns in the park, and on the Casa de la Cultura. The architectural eclecticism of the Xela Parque Centro is noteworthy.
So did it. Mixing Islamic aspirations with a capitalist ambition, Tekbir Giyim utilizes all the tools of fashion marketing to reach to its target segment. To get inspirations for new designs, Tekbir stylists follows the fashion trends of Turkey and of the West.
They develop models named after famous covered Turkish women. They aggressively publicize their clothing line through fashion shows, catalogues and newspaper advertisements. They shop in "normal" stores where secularist moderns shop, ranging from mid-priced to exclusive designer stores. They window shop to familiarize themselves with the latest fashion trends even though they cannot buy many of these items because they are too tight, too open, too short, too transparentCsimply not appropriate.
If they cannot find a suitable outfit, they go to a tailor. A major complaint is the difficulty of finding clothes that they both like and can wear: modern, casual, fashionable yet sensitive to Islam. For example, a 35 year old woman, not able to find a suitable two-piece suit, described to us how she spent days searching for pieces that would make a matching set.
In another instance we observed a turbaned woman in her mid twenties shopping with her friend in a clothing store. She adored a mustard colored sleeveless top that came with a button down fishnet sweater.
As she sighed desperately thinking that she cannot wear it, her friend suggested that if she bought a long sleeved blouse of the same color, she could. She found a tight t-shirt of the same color and ended up purchasing both the sweater and the t-shirt. For many Islamist women forming an ensemble of clothes and accessories is indeed a very laborious act. The most arduous search is for scarves, as these women own 30, 40, or even scarves.
All women complain about the difficulty of finding scarves that are harmonious with the colors and styles of their clothes. The advertisements of Aker and numerous other tesettnr brands often portray unturbaned models with fashionable dresses. The styles promoted through Islamic fashion shows, company catalogues, and television and newspaper advertisements for tesettnr brands as well as clothes worn by anchorwomen of the Islamist television channels provide inspiration to the turbaned women for the clothes they wear daily on the city streets, resorts, and offices.
But that inspiration is not always easy to act upon. For Islamist moderns, the search is for clothes that are loose enough not to show the contours of the body but not too loose to be shapeless and outdated: religiously acceptable and modest yet tasteful, stylish and modern.
What they aspire to have is a look that is aesthetically pleasing and refined yet does not draw carnal attention. Denim jackets, vests, skirts, shirts, overcoats as well as jeans are commonly worn. More casual, modern, distinctive, and youthful designs are sought and purchased both by the young and the middle-aged women. As these women turn away from the long overcoat to designer brands and stylish cuts, to compliment their overall modern look, they also switch from the locally produced "faithful" perfumesCperfumes that do not contain alcohol and have religiously inspired brand names such as "Friday Wind"Cto imported foreign brands of perfumes.
Clothes worn at home and outside vary. Shorts, mini skirts, tight tops, sexy lingerie are regarded to be appropriate to wear in the private space.
Yet, in the public spaces, one can easily come across to turbaned women wearing tight long skirts with slits up to the thighs, very tight tops under transparent shirts or jackets, sexy high-heels or trendy platform shoes accompanied by high-fashion handbags.
ShoesCtrendy sandals worn on bare feet or fashionable and sexy high-heels worn under the long overcoatsCare very perceptible to the eyes. In the all-female swimming pool at the Caprice Hotel, we observed women flaunting their fashionable bikinisCsome of them with the trendy little wraps around the waistCwhile a few were sunbathing in swimsuits worn over knee-length tights and one in a ha?
To much of our surprise, there were even a few topless sunbathers. However, not all Islamists enjoy the stylish clothes, Islamic fashion shows, beauty and fitness centers, and five-star hotels, and complain about the lack of Islamic fashion magazines, designers, and attractive clothes that comply with the Islamic codes.
Some Islamists condemn these developments, arguing that they indicate the lack of a thorough internalization of Islam and, hence, the lack of true faith. For instance, observing that heavily made-up models who are famous for displaying sexy lingerie or swimsuits also display tesettnr clothes, a female Islamist sociologist comments that Islamic fashion shows do not Islamicize fashion, but rather turn Islam into a show Yeni?
In the s, the Islamists sought to differentiate themselves from the secularists by adopting a uniform Islamic dressing style and making it increasingly visible in the public domain. At the core of the distinction was, and still is, the opposition between religious sensitivity and secularist immodesty. Now, however, the initially homogeneous Islamic identity appears to be fragmented, as various segments of the Islamists attempt to differentiate themselves from each other.
Symbolically enough, the struggle for difference finds its loudest expression in the creative and eclectic world of fashion. Some Islamists dress in a "modern" and "urban" style, and try to distance themselves from the conventional "rural" image of Islamic attire. Others perceive the long, loose overcoat accompanied by a large turban covering the shoulders and the bosom as "tasteless," "unnecessarily conservative," and "passT" and, instead, seek a "tasteful," "casual," and "youthful" style.
They want to be "just like the rest of us [secularists]" but with "religious sensitivity". They repeatedly comment that except for the turban and less revealing cuts, they wear whatever the secularists wear.
The Islamist newly rich, on the other hand, wear stylish turbans and lavish designer clothes to set themselves apart from the poorer faithful. For instance, in his book Orientalism, Postmodernism and Globalism, Brian Turner devotes an entire chapter t convince his readers that "consumerism offers or promises a range of possible lifestyles which compete with, and in many cases, contradict the uniform lifestyle demanded by Islamic fundamentalism" , p. According to Turner the cultural, aesthetic and stylistic pluralism fostered by postmodernism and the spread of global system of consumption contradicts with the fundamentalist commitment to a unified world organized around incontrovertibly true values and beliefs.
While "the consumer market threatens to break out into a new stage of fragmented postmodernity in late capitalism," fundamentalism "acts as a brake on the historical development of world capitalism" Turner , p. From a different perspective, but in a similar vein, Bocock suggests that religion can provide an alternative to overcome the consumerist ideology. However, Islam, at least in the context of Turkey, does not seem to oppose consumption or offer an alternative to consumerism.
The more ascetic and orthodox Muslims do restrict their consumption, but most do notCthey actively engage in consumption albeit in an Islamic way.
As the Turkish case demonstrates consumption patterns can be and are appropriated into religiously acceptable styles without undermining consumption itself. This is more so in the case of Islam for which hedonism is an accepted way to life and is less of a sin than Christianity.
Islam permits the pursuit of desires as long as they are integrated with moral principles such as generosity, sharing, giving to the poor, and fairness, and one is not enslaved by passionate attachment Belk, Ger and Askegaard forthcoming. Islam accepts that material things are important in life. However, it requires that acquisitiveness and competition are balanced by fair play and compassion. That is, material goods are to be distributed and wealth is to be shared among all in a just manner. Being honest, fulfilling commitments, seeking virtue, providing for dependents generously, and being socially conscious legitimize consumption.
As much as the consumption practices of the Islamists challenge the conventional view of Islam as a value system that categorically opposes consumerism and Westernism, the fashion practices of Islamist women contradict the common conceptions of female body and identity within Islam. The discourse of colonial feminism views Islam as innately oppressive to women. This discourse places an unwarranted significance on the "modern" outlook of women while constructing the covered woman as a symbol of backwardness and as an obstacle to civilization.
In this Orientalist narrative, the turbaned woman epitomizes the exotic as well as the threatening Other of the West. Internalizing the oriental discourse, the Turkish republican ideology similarly perceives the turbaned women as a threat to modernity and Western lifestyle Witkowski The diverse fashion practices of urban turbaned women in contemporary Turkey imply highly complex and multi-layered identity dynamics and politics that go well beyond a dichotomous Orientalist reading.
The newly emergent urban, middle-class turbaned women do not simply differentiate themselves from the Westernized, secular Turkish women; they equally distance themselves from the traditional Islamic women who wear a headscarf out of habit in rural areas and small towns and from the newly-rich Islamists. They reject both the image of covering as a sign of cultural backwardness and as a sign of extravagance and flaunting.
At a broader level, the Islamist consumptionscape evinces the emergence of an Islamic elite seeking to ascertain itself as an alternative to the secular elite that has traditionally been dominant in the public space. Drawing both from Islam and local cultural resources, this elite crafts new consumption practicesCmodern, casual and trendy cothes, natural goods, traditional cuisine, Ottoman culture and artifacts, alternative vacation and traveling, books, intellectual debates, educational programs and documentaries on Islamic television channelsCand attempts to differentiate itself from the secularist moderns, the Islamist newly-rich and the habitually religious lower classes.
Struggle over identity between secularists and Islamists as well as among different groups of Islamists is strongly implicated in the domain of consumption and is constantly transformed as a result of various local and global dynamics and forces. Similar to their secular counterparts, different groups of Islamists, located in various habituses, seek to construct distinct identities for themselves by adopting or rejecting particular consumption practices.
Although the resultant consumption practices resonate the processes of "creolization" or "hybridization" we believe neither terms sufficiently explain them. Ger and Belk report that consumptionscapes of less affluent societies, including Turkey, are characterized by creolized consumption more than other alternatives, such as emulation of the West, return to roots, resistance to the West, or recontextualization.
They argue that creolization incorporates the other alternatives and offer a new synthesis which help individuals to differentiate themselves in the social hierarchy. Similar to creolization, hybridity rejects the notion of total domination i. While creolization and hybridization emphasize the complex and dynamic interaction between opposing cultural resourcesCWestern and Eastern, global and local, old and new, traditional and contemporaryCand avoid binary explanations, they both fail to acknowledge the creation of multiple internal Others as a side-effect.
Identity is always relational and cannot be totally indeterminate if it exists as a part of the symbolic order whose purpose is to fix some meaning.
The creolized or hybrid identity also needs its own Other s as its boundary-marker, and in doing so, attempts to secure its distance from elements differing in terms of social class, cultural capital, political beliefs, etc.
What we observe in the Islamic consumptionscape cannot be viewed only as mixing or transformation of the local with the global elements. New consumption patterns emerge as consumers negotiate various tesions both between the local and the global and within the local itself.
Constructing a "modern" Islamic identity within the local power network involves simultaneously negotiating multiple tensionsCthe tensions between the West and the East, the secular and the religious, the urban and the rural, the elite religious and the lower class or newly-rich religious, the urban religious and the rural religiousCand distancing itself from various internal Others.
Multi-layered and multi-tensional meaning transformations and translations go well beyond a mere mixing of existing forms, a mere pastiche devoid of identity politics.
Endlessly reformulated, transformed, inverted, subverted, diverted, rejected, domesticated, exoticized, and reinvented grammars, scripts, settings, objects, and meanings blend into new ensembles. We propose the term fusion to refer to the reconciliation of diverse dialectical forms and tensions, and to the resultant transformed forms in new social formations.
We believe that Escheresque fusions, in fashion and consumption, characterize the Turkish Islamist modernity. With various oppositions taming and transforming each other, the "faithful chic" paradoxically upholds the ideals about modern identity albeit its postmodern plurality, and opens up a theoretical space for the consumer behavior researchers to explore.
Barber, Benjamin R. Bocock, Robert Consumption, London: Routledge.
The examples include the church of the Hagia Sophia in Iznik Nicea , the church of the Hagia Sophia in Trabzon Trebizond , and the plans for the church and associated monastic complex of St. The content of their speeches and their stage presence was impeccable.
But we also have good brands, I can buy from here, my son wears Waikiki, a French brand, made in Turkey. Symbolically enough, the struggle for difference finds its loudest expression in the creative and eclectic world of fashion. What does online teaching mean for disciplines, like architecture, that encourage students to appreciate and understand the world around them with the goal of responding innovatively to current challenges? In this paper we discuss Islamic fashion as an example of consumption fusion by exploring the daily practices as well as the underlying marketing context, and review the theoretical challenges they introduce into the existing notions of fashion, consumption and identity politics at the intersection of the local and the global. For instance, observing that heavily made-up models who are famous for displaying sexy lingerie or swimsuits also display tesettnr clothes, a female Islamist sociologist comments that Islamic fashion shows do not Islamicize fashion, but rather turn Islam into a show Yeni? We propose the term fusion to refer to the reconciliation of diverse dialectical forms and tensions, and to the resultant transformed forms in new social formations.
Many factors contributed to such a development.
What emerged from the presentations and in the discussion that followed came as a surprise. Riding the buses through the mountainous terrain of Guatemala was by far my least favorite part of my time there.
Witkowski, Terrence H. Although the republican ideology aspired to create a civic religion through a variety of public rituals, it failed to attract especially the rural population and could not offer an alternative to Islam in providing identity and organizing principles of life Tapper Being honest, fulfilling commitments, seeking virtue, providing for dependents generously, and being socially conscious legitimize consumption. Conversely, by linking ethnic improvement to the advancement of the nation, they legitimized to other Mayans their continued political power.