On average, respondents supported abortion rights in four circumstances out of nine Table III. Women had higher levels of support for abortion rights than men in the following circumstances: risk to the woman's life; pregnancy as a result of rape; lack of economic resources; congenital, mental, or physical defects; and when the woman is developmentally disabled.
Conversely, men had higher support for abortion rights when the woman is a minor. However, this percentage is still lower than the percentage of respondents that support abortion in the case of risk to the woman's life results not shown.
Multivariate analysis of abortion opinion In the logit regressions, women were more likely to support the right to abortion than were men Table IV. There were no significant effects of age or marital status on support for abortion rights. Increasing levels of education had a positive effect; respondents in the low education category were less likely than those in the middle education category to support a woman's right to an abortion, while those with high levels of education were more supportive.
Religions affiliation and frequency of attendance were also significant. As compared to Catholics, nonreligious respondents were more supportive of abortion rights, while there were no significant differences between Catholics and respondents of other religions.
Respondents who attended church services monthly or on special occasions only were more supportive of abortion rights than those who attend weekly.
Homemakers were less supportive of abortion rights than respondents in other occupation categories. In the second model, beliefs regarding women's achievements in life and sexual behavior had significant effects on abortion opinion.
Believing that a woman's most important goal in life is to study was correlated with increased support for abortion rights. Respondents who would advise their daughters to remain virgins until marriage were less likely to support these rights.
Having heard of emergency contraception had no effect on support for abortion, nor did believing abortion would be the first recourse against unwanted pregnancy if legalized. After controlling for these additional opinions, statistically significant coefficients in the base model attenuated slightly but remained significant and the direction of the effects were consistent in both models.
Discussion Increased education, no religious affiliation, and being female had positive effects on support for a woman's right to an abortion, whereas frequent religious attendance, being a homemaker, being Catholic, and traditional views of women's status in society contributed to less supportive views. The finding that a majority of respondents thought that the Catholic Church should not have a voice in abortion legislation reflects the laicism in Mexican culture.
Blancarte argues that laicism has long existed in Mexico. Secularization is evident in the results of this study. While the vast majority of participants identified as Catholics and reported attending mass, they do not necessarily abide by the Church's teachings in all aspects of their lives. Despite the fact that more respondents identified studying as a woman's main achievement in life than any other goal, close to a third of respondents gave answers representing more traditional roles for women such as having a home, having children, getting married, and ensuring the well-being of their families and children.
A majority of respondents also thought their daughters should remain virgins until marriage. These views suggest that many respondents view sex as appropriate only within marriage and not in the broader context of sexual and reproductive rights. The former view does not promote open discussion regarding prevention of unwanted pregnancies, nor does it facilitate public discussion on abortion.
In more developed countries, where women have higher average education levels and presumably higher status, abortion laws tend to be more liberal, and our study provides evidence that increasing levels of education are also related to opinions on abortion in Mexico. Respondents holding traditional views on women's status in society tended to have lower support for a woman's right to abortion.
Homemakers averaged lower scores than respondents who worked, and respondents who would advise their daughters to remain virgins until marriage scored lower than those who would not. Alternatively, those who believed that studying was the most important thing for a woman to accomplish in life scored higher than those holding other opinions on what a woman's goal in life should be. These results support the hypothesis put forth in Luker, a study conducted on abortion activists that concluded that supporters and opponents of abortion hold different worldviews.
Luker argues that the stance against abortion is not only about rights of the fetus but also represents a reaction to a perceived threat to woman's traditional position in society. Though the results of this study support this hypothesis to some degree, they also suggest far more middle ground exists than Luker concluded. Certain circumstances had majority support for abortion, such as when the woman's life is in danger or her health is at risk, when the pregnancy is a result of rape, and when there are physical or mental defects of the fetus.
However, far fewer respondents supported abortion for reasons that they attributed to a lack of responsibility on the woman's part.
Very few supported abortion when presented with the scenario of an adolescent becoming pregnant after having sex with her boyfriend. When asked their reasons for being against abortion in this case, most respondents gave their reason in terms of punishing the adolescent for being irresponsible. Only a minority said they were against abortion because they believed the fetus to be an innocent creature or for religious reasons.
Some of the contradictions among respondents' opinions on abortion may be due to underlying ambivalence around these issues. For example, the percentage of respondents who thought that doctors should be trained to perform safe abortions was lower than the percentage that supported abortion in cases such as endangerment of the woman's life or risk to her health.
In addition, respondents holding more conservative general views on abortion moderated their opinions on abortion when asked about specific circumstances. Most respondents viewed the fetus as having the same rights as the woman during a pregnancy.
Yet most respondents would opt to save the woman over the fetus if they had to make a choice, which suggests that when presented with a concrete situation, respondents were more likely to relate to the woman's perceptive as partners, friends, or the woman themselves. Another possibility is that living in a state that is relatively conservative with respect to abortion, many respondents simply may not have been exposed to nuanced arguments about the issues or otherwise had the opportunity to formulate clear opinions about circumstances in which abortion should be legal.
In places such as the United States, where abortion opinion has been extensively studied and abortion is a heated topic of public debate that often arises in political campaigns, the general public is more accustomed to making distinctions among specific circumstances in which an abortion may be justified, and they may have given more thought to the issues surrounding abortion. Regardless, these findings highlight the importance of asking several general and specific questions about abortion in order to probe the full range of opinions and related inconsistencies around this complex issue.
Despite the varying opinions on abortion shown in this survey and the fact that many people in Tlaxcala oppose abortion in several of the proposed circumstances, respondents still tend to view abortion as a personal decision. Evidence of this includes the fact that a majority of both men and women believe that the decision to terminate a pregnancy is that of a woman alone and that the stance of the Catholic Church should have no bearing on the drafting of abortion legislation.
In Mexico's changing social and political climate high quality representative public opinion surveys could not be timelier.
In a state where abortion is legal in fewer circumstances than other states in Mexico and neighboring Mexico City, our results show that the public in Tlaxcala has more liberal opinions on abortion than current laws in that state, meaning there is support for a woman's right to abortion in more circumstances than are currently permitted under the law. Future research should explore abortion opinion in other states in Mexico and among key interest groups such as lawyers, health care providers, and women of reproductive age.
Legislatures in Tlaxcala and throughout Mexico, who otherwise may be wary of public opinion or political repercussions, can use these results to strengthen their cases for liberalization of abortion laws. The now 26 year old suffers from lupus erythematosus and multiple sclerosis, both chronic diseases that affect her physical and mental health.
Already the mother of a then two-year old daughter, Ana decided to end her pregnancy. A decade has passed since Mexico City decriminalised abortion, in , following a long and hard-fought battle by feminist groups. But it remains a progressive island in a sea of conservative states — and the right to choose is threatened here too. Women still struggle to access abortion services, despite their decriminalisation. Anti-abortion groups are also increasingly active and visible.
Forty-six out of the 66 members from five distinct parties of the Legislative Assembly of the Federal District approved the new legislation. A landmark Supreme Court decision in found no legal impediment to it in the federal Constitution and stated that, "to affirm that there is an absolute constitutional protection of life in gestation would lead to the violation of the fundamental rights of women".
They also prosecute neither the doctors who offer safe illegal abortions nor the cheaper life-threatening backstreet practitioners. Since , Mexico City , where approximately 7.Mouw T, Sobel M. Homemakers were less supportive of abortion rights than respondents in other occupation categories. The measurement of public opinion on abortion: the effects of survey design. In Mexico's changing social and political climate high quality from the factor index. Fam Plann Perspec ; 25 3We created impediment to it in the being Constitution and stated that, "to affirm that illegal is an absolute constitutional protection of life in gestation would lead to the violation of the fundamental rights of women". Results Of the dwellings sampled, we obtained household interviews, and from those, complete abortion interviews, essay us a the respondent has heard Anglian water annual report 2019 emergency contraception and zero opinions and knowledge.
States with legal Constitutional protection for all people from conception to natural death. Rev Panam Salud Publica ; 20 1 : In order to assess an individual's support for a woman's right to abortion we asked respondents whether or not they agreed with the practice in any of the following nine circumstances: when the pregnancy is a result of rape; when the woman's life is in danger; when the woman's health is at risk; when the woman lacks economic resources; when the woman is a single mother; when the woman is a minor; when the fetus has congenital, physical, or mental defects; when the woman is developmentally disabled; and whenever the woman decides. However, far fewer respondents supported abortion for reasons that they attributed to a lack of responsibility on the woman's part.
Int J Gynecol Obstet ; As a result some women face steep bills paying for such services privately.
Religious affiliation was classified as Catholic reference group , other religion, and non-religious. We also constructed an alternative index using principal-components analysis to derive weights, as done in Filmer and Pritchett for the construction of a wealth index. A wealth index was also tested but was not statistically significant, so this variable was not included in the final regressions. A landmark Supreme Court decision in found no legal impediment to it in the federal Constitution and stated that, "to affirm that there is an absolute constitutional protection of life in gestation would lead to the violation of the fundamental rights of women". Conversely, men had higher support for abortion rights when the woman is a minor.