It wants and it wants and it wants. But what does it need? The daily newspaper is the taproot of modern journalism. Early dailies depended on subscribers to pay the bills. The press was partisan, readers were voters, and the news was meant to persuade and voter turnout was high.
Newspapers stopped rousing the rabble so much because businesses wanted readers, no matter their politics. If you had a lot of money to spend, you read the St. Paul Dispatch. Unsurprisingly, critics soon began writing big books, usually indictments, about the relationship between business and journalism. Halberstam, who won a Pulitzer Prize in for his reporting from Vietnam for the New York Times, took up his story more or less where Villard left off.
He began with F. Halberstam argued that between the nineteen-thirties and the nineteen-seventies radio and television brought a new immediacy to reporting, while the resources provided by corporate owners and the demands made by an increasingly sophisticated national audience led to harder-hitting, investigative, adversarial reporting, the kind that could end a war and bring down a President.
He got on his knees and put this rock on my finger and asked me to spend the rest of my life with just him! Halberstam waved this aside as so much P. Spiro who? This turn was partly a consequence of television—people who simply wanted to find out what happened could watch television, so newspapers had to offer something else—and partly a consequence of McCarthyism. A whole generation of events had taught us better—Hitler and Goebbels, Stalin and McCarthy, automation and analog computers and missiles.
At the start, leading conservatives approved. The C. The next year, the Post shrugged off a proposal from two of its star political reporters to start a spinoff Web site; they went on to found Politico.
The Times, Abramson writes, declined an early chance to invest in Google, and was left to throw the kitchen sink at its failing business model, including adding a Thursday Style section to attract more high-end advertising revenue. Who even are these people? She can also be maddeningly condescending. All the way through to the nineteen-eighties, all sorts of journalists, including magazine, radio, and television reporters, got their start working on daily papers, learning the ropes and the rules.
Rusbridger started out in as a reporter at the Cambridge Evening News, which covered stories that included a petition about a pedestrian crossing and a root vegetable that looked like Winston Churchill. In the U. Much the same applied in the U. Beat reporting, however, is not the backstory of the people who, beginning in the nineteen-nineties, built the New Media. Jonah Peretti started out soaking up postmodern theory at U.
Santa Cruz in the mid-nineteen-nineties, and later published a scholarly journal article about the scrambled, disjointed, and incoherent way of thinking produced by accelerated visual experiences under late capitalism. Or something like that. This type of acceleration encourages weak egos that are easily formed, and fade away just as easily. Most lasted only a matter of weeks. Together they became the main communication medium, combined with the very large pamphlet literature.
The press saw its lofty role to be the advancement of civic republicanism based on public service, and downplayed the liberal, individualistic goal of making a profit. It was France's first feminist daily and proclaimed itself "a socialist and political journal, the organ of the interests of all women". It lasted for only a few weeks as did two other feminist newspapers; women occasionally contributed articles to the magazines, often under a pseudonym.
The circulation of the daily press in Paris went from 1 million in to 5 million in ; it then leveled off and reached 6 million in Advertising grew rapidly, providing a steady financial basis. A new liberal press law of abandoned the restrictive practices that had been typical for a century. High-speed rotary Hoe presses, introduced in the s, facilitated quick turnaround time and cheaper publication. New types of popular newspapers, especially Le Petit Journal reached an audience more interested in diverse entertainment and gossip rather than hard news.
It captured a quarter of the Parisian market, and forced the rest to lower their prices. The main dailies employed their own journalists who competed for news flashes. All newspapers relied upon the Agence Havas now Agence France-Presse , a telegraphic news service with a network of reporters and contracts with Reuters to provide world service. The staid old papers retained their loyal clientele because of their concentration on serious political issues.
It vigorously advocated for traditional Catholicism while at the same time innovating with the most modern technology and distribution systems, with regional editions tailored to local taste. Secularists and Republicans recognize the newspaper as their greatest enemy, especially when it took the lead in attacking Dreyfus as a traitor and stirred up anti-Semitism. When Dreyfus was pardoned, the Radical government in closed down the entire Assumptionist order and its newspaper.
Publishers took payments for favorable notices in news articles of commercial products. Sometimes, a newspaper would blackmail a business by threatening to publish unfavorable information unless the business immediately started advertising in the paper. Foreign governments, especially Russia and Turkey, secretly paid the press hundreds of thousands of francs a year to guarantee favorable coverage of the bonds it was selling in Paris. When the real news was bad about Russia, as during its Revolution or during its war with Japan, it raised the bribes it paid to millions of francs.
Each ministry in Paris had a group of journalists whom it secretly paid and fed stories. The press seldom reported the achievements of the Allies; instead they credited all the good news to the French army.
In a word, the newspapers were not independent champions of the truth, but secretly paid advertisements for special interests and foreign governments. Their younger staff members were drafted and male replacements could not be found women were not considered available Rail transportation was rationed and less paper and ink came in, and fewer copies could be shipped out. Inflation raised the price of newsprint, which was always in short supply. The cover price went up, circulation fell and many of the dailies published outside Paris closed down.
The government set up the Interministerial Press Commission to closely supervise the press. A separate agency imposed tight censorship that led to blank spaces where news reports or editorials were disallowed. The dailies sometimes were limited to only two pages instead of the usual four, leading one satirical paper to try to report the war news in the same spirit: War News. A half-zeppelin threw half its bombs on half-time combatants, resulting in one-quarter damaged.
The zeppelin, halfways-attacked by a portion of half-anti aircraft guns, was half destroyed. The major postwar success story was Paris Soir; which lacked any political agenda and was dedicated to providing a mix of sensational reporting to aid circulation, and serious articles to build prestige.
By , its circulation was over 1. In addition to its daily paper Paris Soir sponsored a highly successful women's magazine Marie-Claire. Another magazine Match was modeled after the photojournalism of the American magazine Life. The government tightly controlled all of the media to promulgate propaganda to support the government's foreign policy of appeasement to the aggressions of Italy and especially Nazi Germany.
There were daily newspapers, all owned separately. The five major national papers based in Paris were all under the control of special interests, especially right-wing political and business interests that supported appeasement. They were all venal, taking large secret subsidies to promote the policies of various special interests.
Many leading journalists were secretly on the government payroll. The regional and local newspapers were heavily dependent on government advertising and published news and editorials to suit Paris.
Most of the international news was distributed through the Havas agency, which was largely controlled by the government. The goal was to tranquilize public opinion, to give it little or nothing to work with, so as not to interfere with the policies of the national government.
When serious crises emerged such as the Munich crisis of , people were puzzled and mystified by what was going on. When war came in , the French people had little understanding of the issues, and little correct information.
They suspiciously distrusted the government, with the result that French morale in the face of the war with Germany was badly prepared. In , the Free French liberated Paris, and seized control of all of the collaborationist newspapers. They turned the presses and operations over to new teams of editors and publishers, and provided financial support. Germany[ edit ] The Germans read more newspapers than anyone else.
It set a new standard in objective, in-depth treatment of serious news stories, combined with high-level editorials, and in-depth coverage of music in the theater, as well as an advertising section. Its standards were emulated by the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung — and the Frankfurter Zeitung — , among others.
The upsurge of German nationalism after stimulated underground newspapers, calling for resistance to Napoleon. Johann Palm took the lead in Augsburg, but he was caught and executed. With the downfall of Napoleon, reactionaries came to power across Germany who had no tolerance for a free press. A repressive police system guaranteed that newspapers would not be criticizing the government.
The revolution of saw the overnight emergence of a liberal press demanding new freedoms, new constitutions and a free press. Multiple parties formed, and each had its own newspaper network. Neue Rheinische Zeitung was the first socialist newspaper; it appeared in —49, with Karl Marx as editor. The Revolution of failed in Germany, the reactionaries returned to power, and many liberal and radical journalists fled the country.
It became the leading Prussian conservative newspaper. Its slogan was "With God for king and fatherland. The main emphasis was not on news are reporting, but among commentary and political analysis. None of the newspapers, however, and none of their editors or journalists, was especially influential. However some were using their newspaper experience as a stepping stone to a political career.
Liberal papers outnumbered conservative ones by a wide margin. His position on domestic policies was conservative or reactionary, and newspapers were mostly liberal; they attacked his defiance of the elected assembly.
However, his success in wars against Denmark, Austria, and France made him highly popular, and his establishment of the German Empire was a dream come true for German nationalists. Bismarck kept a tight rein on the press. Bismarck never listened to public opinion, but he did try to shape it.
He secretly subsidized newspapers, and the government gave financial help to small local papers, guaranteeing an overall favorable view. The press law of guaranteed press freedom, of a sort, but allowed for suppression if an issue contained "provocation to treason, incitement to violence, offense to the sovereign, or encouraged assistance of the government". Bismarck often used the code to threaten editors. He also set up several official propaganda bureaus that distributed foreign and national news to local newspapers.
They also included a "Unter dem Strich" "Below the line" section that featured short stories, poetry, critical reviews of new books, evaluations of art exhibits, and reports on musical concerts and new plays. The editorship of the Gazette later fell to Joseph Dennie , who had previously made a success of The Farmer's Weekly Museum and would later found Port Folio, two of the most successful newspapers of the era. Partisan bitterness increased during the last decade of the century as the First Party System took shape.
The parties needed newspapers to communicate with their voters. New England papers were generally Federalist ; in Pennsylvania there was a balance; in the West and South the Republican press predominated. Though the Federalists were vigorously supported by such able papers as Russell's Columbian Centinel in Boston, Isaiah Thomas's Massachusetts Spy, The Connecticut Courant, and, after , Noah Webster's daily Minerva soon renamed Commercial Advertiser in New York, the Gazette of the United States, which in followed Congress and the capital to Philadelphia, was at the center of conflict, "a paper of pure Toryism", as Thomas Jefferson said, "disseminating the doctrines of monarchy, aristocracy, and the exclusion of the people.
Fenno and Freneau, in the Gazette of the United States and the National Gazette, at once came to grips, and the campaign of personal and party abuse in partisan news reports, in virulent editorials, in poems and skits of every kind, was echoed from one end of the country to the other. The National Gazette closed in due to circulation problems and the political backlash against Jefferson and Madison's financial involvement in founding the paper. The Aurora, published from Franklin Court in Philadelphia, was the most strident newspaper of its time, attacking John Adams' anti-democratic policies on a daily basis.
No paper is thought to have given Adams more trouble than the Aurora. His wife, Abigail, wrote frequent letters to her sister and others decrying what she considered the slander spewing forth from the Aurora. Jefferson credited the Aurora with averting a disastrous war with France, and laying the groundwork for his own election.
Following Bache's death the result of his staying in Philadelphia during a yellow fever epidemic, while he was awaiting trial under the Sedition Act , William Duane, an immigrant from Ireland, led the paper until and married Bache's widow, following the death of his own wife in the same Yellow Fever epidemic.
Like Freneau, Bache and Duane were involved in a daily back-and-forth with the Federalist editors, especially Fenno and Cobbett. He edited it for four years, writing the equivalent of 20 volumes of articles and editorials. As a partisan he soon was denounced by the Jeffersonian Republicans as "a pusillanimous, half-begotten, self-dubbed patriot", "an incurable lunatic", and "a deceitful newsmonge Pedagogue and Quack.
Even the use of words like "the people", "democracy", and "equality" in public debate, bothered him for such words were "metaphysical abstractions that either have no meaning, or at least none that mere mortals can comprehend. As one historian comments, It was with the newspaper editors, however, on both sides that a climax of rancorous and venomous abuse was reached. Chief of these was Cobbett, whose control of abusive epithet and invective may be judged from the following terms applied by him to his political foes, the Jacobins: "refuse of nations"; "yelper of the Democratic kennels"; "vile old wretch"; "tool of a baboon"; "frog-eating, man-eating, blood-drinking cannibals"; "I say, beware, ye under-strapping cut-throats who walk in rags and sleep amidst filth and vermin; for if once the halter gets round your flea-bitten necks, howling and confessing will come too late.
In such States too, there generally, not to say always, exists a party who, from the long habit of hating those who administer the Government, become the enemies of the Government itself, and are ready to sell their treacherous services to the first bidder. To these descriptions of men, the sect of the Jacobins have attached themselves in every country they have been suffered to enter.
They are a sort of flies, that naturally settle on the excremental and corrupted parts of the body politic The persons who composed this opposition, and who thence took the name of Anti-Federalists, were not equal to the Federalists, either in point of riches or respectability.
They were in general, men of bad moral characters embarrassed in their private affairs, or the tools of such as were. Men of this caste naturally feared the operation of a Government imbued with sufficient strength to make itself respected, and with sufficient wisdom to exclude the ignorant and wicked from a share in its administration.
News reporting was extended to new fields of local affairs, and the intense rivalry of all too numerous competitors awoke the beginnings of that rush for the earliest reports, which was to become the dominant trait in American journalism. The editor evolved into a new type. As a man of literary skill, or a politician, or a lawyer with a gift for polemical writing, he began to supersede the contributors of essays as the strongest writer on the paper.
Much of the best writing, and of the rankest scurrility, be it said, was produced by editors born and trained abroad, like Bache of the Aurora, Cobbett, Cooper, Gales, Cheetham, Callender, Lyon, and Holt. Of the whole number of papers in the country towards the end of the decade, more than one hundred and fifty, at least twenty opposed to the administration were conducted by aliens.
The power wielded by these anti-administration editors impressed John Adams, who in wrote: "If we had been blessed with common sense, we should not have been overthrown by Philip Freneau, Duane, Callender, Cooper, and Lyon, or their great patron and protector.
A group of foreign liars encouraged by a few ambitious native gentlemen have discomfited the education, the talents, the virtues, and the prosperity of the country. The result was a dozen convictions and a storm of outraged public opinion that threw the party from power and gave the Jeffersonian Republican press renewed confidence and the material benefit of patronage when the Republicans took control of the government in The Republican party was especially effective in building a network of newspapers in major cities to broadcast its statements and editorialize in its favor.
Fisher Ames , a leading Federalist, blamed the newspapers for electing Jefferson: they were "an overmatch for any Government The Jacobins owe their triumph to the unceasing use of this engine; not so much to skill in use of it as by repetition. The typical newspaper, a weekly, had a paid circulation of The growth of the postal system, with the free transportation of newspapers locally and statewide, allowed the emergence of powerful state newspapers that closely reflected, and shaped, party views.
Growth[ edit ] Growth in newspapers The number and geographical distribution of newspapers grew apace. In there were between and ; by there were , and during the next two decades the increase was at least equally rapid. By papers had spread to the Mississippi River and beyond, from Texas to St.
These pioneer papers, poorly written, poorly printed, and partisan often beyond all reason, served a greater than a merely local purpose in sending weekly to every locality their hundreds of messages of good and evil report, of politics and trade, of weather and crops, that helped immeasurably to bind the far-flung population into a nation. Ryfe, "News, culture and public life: A study of 19th-century American journalism.
The first had appeared in Philadelphia and New York in and ; in one appeared in Boston. By there were twenty-seven in the country—one in the city of Washington, five in Maryland, seven in New York, nine in Pennsylvania, three in South Carolina, and two in Louisiana.
As early as the Detroit Free Press began its long career. Scott The political and journalistic situation made the administration organ one of the characteristic features of the period. Fenno's Gazette had served the purpose for Washington and Adams; but the first great example of the type was the National Intelligencer established in October, , by Samuel Harrison Smith , to support the administration of Jefferson and of successive presidents until after Jackson it was thrown into the opposition, and The United States Telegraph, edited by Duff Green , became the official paper.
It was replaced at the close of by a new paper, The Globe, under the editorship of Francis P. Blair , one of the ablest of all ante-bellum political editors, who, with John P.
Rives , conducted it until the changing standards and conditions in journalism rendered the administration organ obsolescent. The Globe was displaced in by another paper called The National Intelligencer, which in turn gave way to The Madisonian. Thomas Ritchie was in called from his long service on The Richmond Enquirer to found, on the remains of The Globe, the Washington Union, to speak for the Polk administration and to reconcile the factions of democracy.
Neither the Union nor its successors, which maintained the semblance of official support until , ever occupied the commanding position held by the Telegraph and The Globe, but for forty years the administration organs had been the leaders when political journalism was dominant. Their influence was shared and increased by such political editors as M. Their decline, in the late thirties, was coincident with great changes, both political and journalistic, and though successors arose, their kind was not again so prominent or influential.
The newspaper of national scope was passing away, yielding to the influence of the telegraph and the railroad, which robbed the Washington press of its claim to prestige as the chief source of political news. At the same time politics was losing its predominating importance. The public had many other interests, and by a new spirit and type of journalism was being trained to make greater and more various demands upon the journalistic resources of its papers.
The administration organ presents but one aspect of a tendency in which political newspapers generally gained in editorial individuality, and both the papers and their editors acquired greater personal and editorial influence. The beginnings of the era of personal journalism were to be found early in the 19th century. Even before Nathan Hale had shown the way to editorial responsibility, Thomas Ritchie , in the Richmond Enquirer in the second decade of the century, had combined with an effective development of the established use of anonymous letters on current questions a system of editorial discussion that soon extended his reputation and the influence of his newspaper far beyond the boundaries of Virginia.
Francis and the Troy Times, and Charles Hammond and the Cincinnati Gazette, to mention but a few among many, illustrate the rise of editors to individual power and prominence in the third and later decades. Notable among these political editors was John Moncure Daniel , who just before became editor of the Richmond Examiner and soon made it the leading newspaper of the South. Perhaps no better example need be sought of brilliant invective and literary pungency in American journalism just prior to and during the Civil War than in Daniel's contributions to the Examiner.
Though it could still be said that "too many of our gazettes are in the hands of persons destitute at once of the urbanity of gentlemen, the information of scholars, and the principles of virtue", a fact due largely to the intensity of party spirit, the profession was by no means without editors who exhibited all these qualities, and put them into American journalism.
William Coleman , for instance, who, encouraged by Alexander Hamilton , founded the New York Evening Post in , was a man of high purposes, good training, and noble ideals. The Evening Post, reflecting variously the fine qualities of the editor, exemplified the improvement in tone and illustrated the growing importance of editorial writing, as did a dozen or more papers in the early decades of the century. Indeed, the problem most seriously discussed at the earliest state meetings of editors and publishers, held in the thirties, was that of improving the tone of the press.
They tried to attain by joint resolution a degree of editorial self-restraint, which few individual editors had as yet acquired. Under the influence of Thomas Ritchie , vigorous and unsparing political editor but always a gentleman, who presided at the first meeting of Virginia journalists, the newspaper men in one state after another resolved to "abandon the infamous practice of pampering the vilest of appetites by violating the sanctity of private life, and indulging in gross personalities and indecorous language", and to "conduct all controversies between themselves with decency, decorum, and moderation.
Editorials[ edit ] The editorial page was assuming something of its modern form. The editorial signed with a pseudonym gradually died, but unsigned editorial comment and leading articles did not become an established feature until after , when Nathan Hale made them a characteristic of the newly established Boston Daily Advertiser.
From that time on they grew in importance until in the succeeding period of personal journalism they were the most vital part of the greater papers. Penny Press[ edit ] In the s new high speed presses allowed the cheap printing of tens of thousands of papers a day. The problem was to sell them to a mass audience, which required new business techniques such as rapid citywide delivery and a new style of journalism that would attract new audiences.
Politics, scandal, and sensationalism worked. He despised the upscale journalism of the day—the seriousness of tone, the phlegmatic dignity, the party affiliations, the sense of responsibility.
He believed journalists were fools to think that they could best serve their own purposes by serving the politicians. As Washington correspondent for the New York Enquirer , he wrote vivacious, gossipy prattle, full of insignificant and entertaining detail, to which he added keen characterization and deft allusions. Bennett saw a public who would not buy a serious paper at any price, who had a vast and indiscriminate curiosity better satisfied with gossip than discussion, with sensation rather than fact, who could be reached through their appetites and passions.
The idea that he did much to develop rested on the success of the one-cent press created by the establishment of the New York Sun in To pay at such a price these papers must have large circulations, sought among the public that had not been accustomed to buy papers, and gained by printing news of the street, shop, and factory.
To reach this public Bennett began the New York Herald , a small paper, fresh, sprightly, terse, and "newsy". Our only guide shall be good, sound, practical common sense, applicable to the business and bosoms of men engaged in every-day life. The Herald, like the Sun, was at once successful, and was remarkably influential in altering journalistic practices. The penny press expanded its coverage into "personals"—short paid paragraphs by men and women looking for companionship.
They revealed people's intimate relationships to a public audience and allowed city folk to connect with and understand their neighbors in an increasingly anonymous metropolis. They included heavy doses of imagination and fiction, typically romantic, highly stylized. Sometimes the same person updated the paragraph regularly, making it like a serial short short story. Moralists were aghast, and warned of the ruin of young girls.
Commenting on censorship of books in the s, New York Mayor Jimmy Walker said he had seen many girls ruined, but never by reading. More worrisome to the elders they reflected a loss of community control over the city's youth, suggesting to Protestant leaders the need for agencies like the YMCA to provide wholesome companionship.
Personals are still included in many papers and magazines into the 21st century. For example, between and , the Diocese of St. Louis Daily Leader —56 , and the Western Banner — The paper tried to balance support of the Union with its opposition to emancipation, while maintaining Irish American patriotism. The leading abolitionist newspaper was William Lloyd Garrison's Liberator , first issued 1 January , which denounced slavery as a sin against God that had to be immediately stopped.
Many abolitionist papers were excluded from the mails; their circulation was forcibly prevented in the South; in Boston, New York, Baltimore, Cincinnati, Alton, and elsewhere, editors were assaulted, offices were attacked and destroyed; rewards were offered in the South for the capture of Greeley and Garrison; in a few instances editors, like Lovejoy at Alton, lost their lives at the hands of mobs.
Politics was of major interest, with the editor-owner typically deeply involved in local party organizations. However, the paper also contained local news, and presented literary columns and book excerpts that catered to an emerging middle class literate audience. A typical rural newspaper provided its readers with a substantial source of national and international news and political commentary, typically reprinted from metropolitan newspapers.They revealed people's intimate relationships to a public audience and allowed city folk to connect with and understand their neighbors in an increasingly anonymous metropolis. An extreme form of jargon. The names in the bylines, however, were often fake. DRB: See digital broadcasting.
See also death-knock. It is dramatic in method, with vividly realized characters who gossip and chat over games of piquet or at the theatre.
The growth of these papers meant the development of great staffs of workers that exceeded in numbers anything dreamed of in the preceding period. McGuirk, in particular, must have been running on adrenaline. In the Spy featured the essays of several anonymous political commentators who called themselves "Centinel," "Mucius Scaevola" and "Leonidas. Different viewpoints are presented accurately, even those with which the journalist personally disagrees. El Seminario Republicano was the first non-official newspaper; it appeared in Chile in
Liberal papers outnumbered conservative ones by a wide margin. The person in charge of sub-editors, who assigns work to down-table subs. After the second editor died his widow Elizabeth Timothy took over and made it a success, Albertini's opposition to the Fascist regime forced the other co-owners to oust him in
The names in the bylines, however, were often fake. In January, Dr. He was also well known for his reportage on child welfare, social legislation and reformation of England's criminal codes. Demonstrably correct information is their stock in trade.