And in my mind, I had always felt that Egyptian nationalism, modern nationalism, is so shallow, because it is mostly chauvinism, it is mostly about years of history, and the Pharaohs, etc. While the desire to organize around a common belonging to the Egyptian nation that was temporarily experimented with during the early moments of enthusiasm has been lost, one new transnational political practice has, however, emerged: overseas voting. If ordinary non-Arab, non-Egyptian people were looking at Egypt with a huge sense of pride and inspiration, how could I as an Egyptian not feel that pride?
However, the fact that the Algerian regime survived this wave of revolts does not mean that it is intrinsically strong and stable. Nowhere acquired the status of an iconic public space the way Tahrir square did, symbolically embodying the myth of unity. The revolutions did however have an impact on migratory policies in the Gulf countries, as we have just seen, as well as those in Europe.
In this context of increasing overture, global energy players such as the US, China, Russia, Brazil and the Gulf countries could take the opportunity to establish closer partnership in the region. The organisation
In this evolving context, the EU could take the opportunity to deepen its energy dialogue with these countries and strengthen its energy security policies. Frankly speaking, sidelining Egyptians living abroad is not because of doubts about their patriotism but because of their potential. Second, it is fundamental for intra-regional trade of hydrocarbons between North African producers and South EU consumers. Due to the strong complementarities and the proximity of the markets, closer Mediterranean cooperation in this domain provides important dividends to both the EU and its regional partners, as far as energy security, sustainable development, economic growth and job creation are concerned.
In the current transition phase, North African countries urgently need to find a new path of strong and sustainable socio-economic development, necessary to respond to the changes invoked by the population.
These historically established energy relations narrow the present and future options for external energy policy and lead to conflicting preferences. In , about 2. In addition to oil, LNG trade represents an important portion of ships transit through the canal. We see each other less.
Member States, European Commission, international organizations, financial institutions, private companies, and civil society.
Finally, in order to diversify its energy sources, the EU launched a common external energy policy initiative towards an emerging energy region such as the Caspian. In addition, these three countries ensure energy supplies to their African and Middle Eastern neighbours: Algeria, indeed, exports gas to Morocco and Tunisia, while Egypt gas volumes reach the Levant countries —Israel, Palestine, Jordan and Lebanon— through the Arab Gas pipeline. I had no income for two months, either in consulting or tourism.
The revolutions did however have an impact on migratory policies in the Gulf countries, as we have just seen, as well as those in Europe. Changing cooperation patterns after the Arab uprisings? After the civil war and the death of Colonel Gheddafi and the liberation of the country announced by the National Transitional Council in October of the same year, the situation in Libya is still critical, due to insurgency led by former Gheddafi loyalists, continuous threats of secession by Cyrenaica authorities, and clashes between clans for the control of specific areas or economic activities. Together with Norway and Russia, the Mediterranean is one of the three key axes of the European external energy policy, in particular in the natural gas sector.
However, considering the emerging energy trends at the national, regional and global level, some of the political and social processes activated by the revolts may contribute to mutate the traditional cooperation paradigms. The Implications of the European Neighbourhood MedReg promotes a transparent, stable and harmonized regulatory framework in the Mediterranean Region fostering market integration and infrastructure investments, as well as aiming to consumer protection and enhanced energy cooperation. However, the fact that the Algerian regime survived this wave of revolts does not mean that it is intrinsically strong and stable. The institutional partnership is expected to foster coordinated transmission rules on a regional level, to promote the synergic development of electricity infrastructures, and to boost technical cooperation in critical areas such as security and quality.
It is worth noting that after an initial period of revolutionary enthusiasm, a number of these initiatives declined or disappeared. During interviews I was able to carry out in Cairo in September among migrants who had returned from France, all indicated that they had participated in the Tahrir square protests and underscored that a large proportion of the protesters had had experiences abroad. There are several reasons for this. It is still too soon to evaluate in a more precise way the involvement of Egyptians living abroad in sparking the revolution, but this appears to have been important, alongside the development of transnational political networks of Egyptian activists Abdelrahman, If ordinary non-Arab, non-Egyptian people were looking at Egypt with a huge sense of pride and inspiration, how could I as an Egyptian not feel that pride?